The objective of this work is to specify a model for the study of sustainable entrepreneurship. A exploratory and transversal work was carried out with a selection of 100 students. Instrument design sources indexed to international repositories, the search by keywords, as well as the publication period from 2020 to 2023. The reflective variables and determinants of entrepreneurship with oriented social responsibility were modeled, discussing the scope and limits of the proposal in scenarios of health, economic and environmental crisis.

Until April 2023, the pandemic has caused the death of three million in the world and 500 in Mexico if the cases of atypical pneumonia and the excess mortality expected in 2020 are counted (WHO, 2021). In this scenario, mitigation policies that consist of a prolongation of the pandemic are focused on confinement and social distancing strategies which contravene trade (PAHO, 2021). Faced with this situation, microentrepreneurs have managed, produced and transferred knowledge in order to be able to correct the effects of the crises and reactivate the local economy.

The study area has a Human Development level close to 0.80 in the corresponding United Nations index (UNDP, 2020). However, this index is made up of the items of education, employment and health related to opportunities and capacities that are linked to the habitus of entrepreneurship, but linked to values, knowledge and anthropocentric skills that justify Human Development from the exploitation of natural resources . In the case of the study municipality, its degree of literacy (60%) in the population aged 6 to 24 is lower than that of the illiterate population (80%). In other words, literacy would be related to anthropocentric beliefs, while ecoperipheral visions would be related to local illiteracy. In the study area, life expectancy is 74 years, but if it is taken into account that the deterioration in the quality of life begins ten years earlier, then it is probable that anthropocentrism and risk propensity are factors of styles in which consumerism increases the probability of diseases related to the heart, diabetes or hypertension.

However, if we contrast the life expectancy of the Federal District with that of San Luis Potosí, then it will be possible to notice a contradiction since while life expectancy exceeds 78 years in the capital of Mexico, the difference with respect to life expectancy in the study demarcation is five years (UNDP, 2020). Indeed, life expectancy seems to indicate that urban anthropocentrism guarantees a higher quality of life than rural eco-peripheralism, however, 4% of the local unemployment rate is less than 7% of the unemployment rate of the Federal District (INEGI, 2020).

Entrepreneurship is a global phenomenon that consists of the public management of knowledge for its dissemination among political actors, economic agents and social talents in order to preserve natural resources for the Sustainable Development of representations, habitus , fields, capitals and capacities of future generations (Quiroz et al., 2020: p. 276). Precisely, the objective of this work is to expose the conceptual relationships between the dimensions of entrepreneurship in a Mexican town. To carry out such purposes, a theoretical and empirical review was carried out in order to discuss the concepts and findings circumscribed to entrepreneurship. This will open the discussion around the relationship between the State, transnational companies, SMEs and communities in situations of scarcity and inequity in the distribution of resources. 

The Emprendedurismo means representations, habitus, capital and fields around the production, marketing and business training (Juarez et to the, 2020: p. 105). In a sense, objectification and anchoring, essential processes of social representations, explain the transformation of knowledge and knowledge into common sense, more precisely, heuristics from which the logic of supply and demand fades into affects or feelings about orienting time and money for coffee production.

However, not only knowledge is disrupted by entrepreneurial forces, but also adjusted to the local ecotourism dynamics. In this sense, the discourse among other elements is the means to build predispositions around coffee growing (Quiroz et al., 2020: p. 6) . This is how through social representations, coffee growing becomes discursive habitus from which local conventions are sustained in reference to global conventions, since micro-companies, being linked to transnational companies, adopt organizational forms and discourses to promote the entrepreneurial spirit in inhabitants of "magical towns" as in the case of the Huasteca region in Xilitla, San Luis Potosí, Mexico. It is a process in which symbols, meanings and meanings are categorized into images that impact interpretation and personal action, although this process is disseminated to groups and organizations related to coffee. This makes possible the social distinction of an entrepreneurial sector in reference to the community, but even in reference to the other agricultural groups of the Huasteca region.

At the discursive level, it is not only possible to differentiate symbols or meanings in their temporal or spatial spheres, but also to anticipate the diversity of expectations that are generated after a business activity has become a hallmark of a community in clear allusion to industry, commerce, tourism or poverty, marginalization, vulnerability or exclusion (Bustos et al., 2020: p. 1). Such dimensions are condensed into propensity or aversion to the future since while social representations relate to the past and the future, they generate risk predispositions around which a sowing and harvest is planned. In other words, the representation of coffee growing seems to be circumscribed to preferences, actions, feelings or thoughts, which constitute discourses that delimit fields of expectations and generate relationships of cooperation and trust.

Five theoretical frameworks explain the imbrication of coffee growing in the discourses of producers and traders. The Theory of Social Representations, being a process of communication of innovations regarding coffee growing, infiltrates the symbols and meanings that microentrepreneurs construct (Molina et al., 2020: p. 5). Once these have infiltrated images and words, they are now recovered as a repertoire of knowledge regarding the always or harvest of coffee. If a representation links coffee growing with other personal or community interests, then it supposes provisions that facilitate the objectification or anchoring of information related to planting, harvest, climate, pests, prices and quotes. If such provisions have been transferred from generation to generation then a longitudinal study would account for the representations, objectification and anchoring, as well as their habitus , inherited or acquired, throughout a relatively transitory period in which the community went from being migrant to microentrepreneur.

This is how the Discursive Habitus Theory focuses the efforts of explanation on those symbols from which symbols can be derived, grouped and re-signified, evidencing at the same time a way of thinking, acting and feeling that would distinguish Xilitla from other native or magical peoples dedicated to coffee growing (Garcia et al., 2020: p. 1). Defender communities is the first link to infer the process by which a group of migrants became entrepreneurs. In this sense, the Fields of Power Theory maintains that the conflicts derived from the asymmetric distribution of inputs for coffee growing is the engine of the changes that are coming in the production and commercialization of coffee in the micro-region.

However, such transformation seems to be more discursive since while the migrants from Xilitla return, groups of merchants are given the task of undertaking new projects and business plans that imply the diffusion of the town as a place of tourism and recreation rather than production. and sale of coffee (Garcia, 2020: p. 34). At the level of symbols, it is necessary to understand the discursive relationships between those who create jobs and those who diversify them with the diffusion of community innovations such as ecotourism, organic production, crafts and typical food. Such a process of diversification and interweaving of coffee growing is focused on the formation of collaborative networks and not only discursive. These are processes of trust in which the cooperation between the families of coffee growers makes their analysis possible as social capitals in which knowledge is no longer a matter of management, but of representation, habitus and empowerment. In this way, Xilitla is assumed as a prosperous entity economically because it is anchored in discourses that deal with entrepreneurship, commerce and progress. That is, at least the community no longer shows symptoms of discursive or economic impoverishment. The people who live in this micro region assume themselves as responsible for their own destiny and act accordingly, carry out actions motivated by the social differentiation that being a migrant, merchant, coffee farmer or micro-entrepreneur implies.

However, the process would be incomplete if we did not recognize the opportunities in line with the capacities and responsibilities of the inhabitants of Xilitla towards their future generations and other social capital networks that act in favor of the progress of the community or at least distancing with poverty (Juarez et al., 2020: p. 1). The Theory of Economic Capabilities, in line with the freedoms of choice for the covering of the social fabric in terms of employment, health and education, assumes that individuals are agents of knowledge and management whose capacities allow the dissemination of responsibilities towards the groups in question. those who are immersed.

It is precisely at this point where symbols and meanings regarding coffee farming are linked to scenarios of collaboration and knowledge transfer that allow traders to enter a local market (Garcia et al., 2020: p. 239). It is here that the knowledge that enables the differentiation of coffee growing in planting, harvesting, refining, packaging, logistics, distribution, preparation and sale seems to emerge. The new generations of coffee growers have not only objectified or anchored knowledge but have also assumed it as part of their lifestyles and discursive modes. Faced with the environmental problems of droughts or floods, the social capital networks in Xilitla respond by organizing cultivation in diversified stages but confined to the achievement of goals that guarantee the productive cycle. Furthermore, the production process is complemented with the management and promotion of coffee growing in other locations in the region and beyond it as a tourist entity. This is the key to economic success and prosperity in Xilitla, of which remittances continue to be a fundamental part of the economic dynamics, but it is symbolic capital that drives social, political and economic relations. The culture of entrepreneurship or the entrepreneurial spirit of Xilitla undermines poverty and encourages business and labor capacities to stabilize representations, habitus, fields and capitals related to coffee farming. By virtue of the fact that social entrepreneurship depends on the socio-political and environmental environment, by defining itself as a system of initiatives aimed at Human Development in its educational, health and labor areas, as well as a propensity to be locally sustainable, the Theory of Social Entrepreneurship includes four factors that explain the interrelation between the indicators .

The concept of habitus refers to a set of anchored dispositions, if it is to be related to social representations, in the nucleus or centrality of a context (Sandoval et al., 2021: p. 343). As a system of dispositions, they are indicated by associations between people, behaviors, feelings, opportunities, capacities, responsibilities or freedoms. However, its psychological symptoms are only part of sociological dimensions from which it is possible to notice differences between groups, communities, societies, cultures or generations. These are relationships between structures, beliefs, norms and values, which may be in organizations or institutions, but since they are not exclusive to such contexts, it opens up the possibility that habitus are themselves contexts of scenarios. In this process, the discursive habitus is linked with practices that enhance the differences between individuals since they can act under the same context, but the meaning or resignification of spaces, objects or people is different. This is so because habitus are the product of asymmetries, discrepancies , controversies , disagreements or tensions that may be of short duration, although they may extend given the magnitude of the conflict and, above all , the influence of the context. The truth is that a context impacts actions, feelings, perceptions and thoughts in a more lasting way because it infiltrates the structure of discursive skills and by being naturalized, following the discourse of social representations, they are no longer only in the periphery, otherwise they have been incorporated into the central nucleus. In other words, the habitus are the result of the penetration of the context in the cultural repertoire of individuals and, having infiltrated the concepts of defense, they have become familiar with the central elements.

Habitus are a consequence of context in the form of a schema and organization of symbols (Garcia et al., 2021: p. 1). This duality makes it more feasible to recognize the complexity of the context since habitus are its indicators. It is a short context, in terms of human life, since they are structures inherited and learned in the first years of life. Such process reveals a socio- historical dimension of habitus and therefore another socio-political dimension consisting of the socialization of the schemes and structuring of the dispositions which, if it were a dialectical process, but it is not because it is rather the influence of the context in the personal schemes.

Like the social representations that defend themselves from the emergence of other symbols, the habitus will not hesitate to counteract the influence of other habitus while defining the actions to be followed according to the contexts to be deterred, since new events would imply a diversity of responses, but such Resources are rather homogeneous thanks to the fact that each person incorporated a system of symbols, meanings and meanings that differentiate them from other people or from themselves under similar or diametrically different circumstances (Garcia, 2021: p. 1). In short, habitus come from the past located in childhood, but also when acquired and not only inherited, it supposes disposition is emergent that indicate the penetration of the context in the structure of dispositions. In the case of migration and entrepreneurship, the habitus explain the process by which a society passes traders ejectors. This, of course, goes beyond the influence of the context in the communities or individuals, it supposes the incidence of public policies related to tourism since the Huasteca community of Xilitla obtains its income from the promotion of its ecotourism space, mountainous areas and forested, and its s uses and customs coffee. In this way, the habitus of the community past explain migration since, in their eagerness to build a heritage, Xilitla residents had to seek employment outside their territory. Once a heritage was built, the former migrants returned to their community to establish the discourses acquired abroad and that it is possible to identify as an entrepreneurial process if it is assumed that for this purpose a climate of trust, commitment and satisfaction was generated. In other words, the new generations of entrepreneurs are the result of a generation that inherited a migratory habitus and / or transformed into an entrepreneurial habit , but such process must have occurred in a context in which business development policies were strategically oriented towards tourism and Their derivatives. Thus, the socio- historical premise of habitus is fulfilled according to which a situation is the result of a structure, although not entirely influenced, if it has been upset in its foundations since the Xilitla community is now entrepreneurial. The resurfacing of its streets , the remodeling of its buildings, the relocation of its waste, the financing of its trade and the investment in hotel, restaurant and road infrastructure suggest that the community is committed to tourism as an alternative for progress and prosperity, but There is a coffee sector that has managed to insert itself into the migrant habitus and now into the new entrepreneurial dynamics as it employs other workers from surrounding towns and markets with other groups of coffee growers in the Huasteca region.

Although it is true that the migrant and business habitus are discourses related to the search for opportunities, capacities and responsibilities, it is striking that in the case of the migrant habitus, emotions predominate over the actions or deliberations that correspond to the entrepreneurial habitus (Bustos et al., 2021: p. 1). In other words, the differentiation between one habitus and the other is that the economic situation prevented the implementation of innovations and directed actions towards migration, while in the current situation, the minimum factors for carrying out projects that are financed by the State seem to be combined. through the secretary of tourism and labor, but which are accepted and developed by the community.

Given that social entrepreneurship is considered a capacity, the factors that explain it are also capacities that, when interrelated, build an anthropocentric or ecoperipheral system. In this sense, anthropocentrism emerges from school competencies indicated by three levels of literacy, illiteracy and functional illiteracy (INEGI, 2020). In this way, literacy is close to anthropocentrism in that it develops beliefs of scarcity of resources that science and technology must assess to guarantee the opportunities and capacities of future generations. In addition, the State, from a literate anthropocentric vision, is the leader of Sustainable Local Human Development, since literate participation implies the emergence of consumerist and austere lifestyles to the extent that public policies regulate the rates of public services.

In this way, the objective of the present work is to specify a model based on the review of the literature related to entrepreneurship with social responsibility and oriented towards sustainability, considering the risk events associated with the health and economic crises, as is the case of the scarcity, the shortage, the unhealthy and the high cost of public services.

What are the axes, trajectories and relationships between the theoretical dimensions of variables that reflect and determine entrepreneurship with social responsibility and oriented towards sustainability?

The premise that guides the research indicates that climate change indirectly and directly affects the problems of scarcity, shortage, unhealthiness and lack of public resources and services (Garza et al., 2021: p. 2827). Indirectly, temperature variations imply the release of viruses that had been kept inert at low temperatures, promoting zoonosis and with it the emergence of pandemics. Policies against climate change involve mitigating its effects through isolation and social distancing, encouraging hopelessness that translates into excessive consumption of public resources and services. Consequently, the observation of entrepreneurship with social responsibility and oriented towards sustainability is a phenomenon that contravenes the social trend of waste. Furthermore, those who carry out this type of sustainable entrepreneurship are stigmatized and relegated by their aversion to risks and prevention of contingencies through self-care.

The document includes a theoretical, conceptual and empirical review to model the variables that reflect and determine entrepreneurship with social responsibility and oriented towards sustainability. The axes established in the research agenda are discussed, as well as the empirically demonstrated trajectories to compare them with risk situations, indicated by the scarcity, shortage, unhealthiness and lack of resources and public services. At the end, the implications of the proposed model are presented in order to be able to build policies, strategies and programs that anticipate conflicts between the rulers and the ruled.

A cross-sectional, exploratory and psychometric study was carried out with a sample of 100 students (M = 24.34 SD 2.3 age and M = 8'765.00 SD = 456.56 monthly income) from a public university in central Mexico. The selection was made considering the participation of the students in the academic and sustainable entrepreneurship event organized by the university.

The Carreón Academic Entrepreneurship Scale (2020) was used. It includes three dimensions related to opportunities ("The pandemic will open options for online products and services"), microfinancing ("The state will finance short-term projects") and innovation ("The pandemic will force the offer of new products and services" ). Each item is answered with a choice of five ranging from 0 = "not at all likely" to 5 = "quite likely".

The reliability of the instrument reached a general alpha value of .760, although in the literature from 2019 to 2022 alphas ranging between .750 and 769 are reported, with values of .758 for the subscales; .780 and .774. The factorial weights of validity ranged between .435 and .623 but in the present work values between .300 and .900 were reached.

The sample was contacted by email. The invitation letter was sent with the objective and those responsible for the project. The non-remuneration for answering the survey was emphasized and a confidentiality contract was included to protect the data of the respondents. A focus group was held to standardize the concepts.

The data was captured in excel and processed in JASP version 14. In order to be able to test the null hypothesis, the adjustment and residual coefficients were estimated. Values close to unity or zero were assumed as evidence of rejection of the hypothesis regarding the significant differences between the theoretical structure of the venture with respect to the responses of the respondents.

Figure 1 shows the eigenvalues that indicate the structure of the exploratory factorial model. The adequacy (values ranging between .464 and .911) and sphericity [x2 = 3331.457 (276 df) p < .001] suggest the inclusion of the three factors reported in the literature. 

Figure 1: Scree plot 

Source: Elaborated with data study 

Figure 2 shows the relationships between the three factors reported in the literature with respect to the indicators. Thick and green lines suggest positive and robust relationships. The prevalence of the first factor related to entrepreneurship opportunities is appreciated, and it is related to items 1, 8, 16, 17 and 20. The microfinancing factor was linked to items: 7, 10, 15 and 21. The third factor ausive to innovation was associated with the items: 3, 6, 18 and 24.

Figure 2: Exploratory factorial model of entrepreneurship in the COVID-19 era 

Source: Elaborated with data study. Adjust: [x2 = 1375.318 (207 df) p > .001; RMSEA = .255; TLI = .478]

The adjustment and residual parameters suggest the non-rejection of the hypothesis regarding the significant differences between the theoretical structure with respect to the observed data.

The entrepreneurship in a context of migration and commercialization of natural resources in Xilitla is determined by representations, habitus, field and capital from which indicators of trust, commitment, innovation, management, spread leadership, competitiveness and performance. A review of the studies on the determinants of entrepreneurship confirms assumptions around which resilience is an inherent factor in its emergence when stressful dynamics are gestated in which exhaustion, depersonalization or frustration emerge as its main symptoms. However, entrepreneurship underlies contexts of roots and identity which are taken advantage of by transnationals when establishing alliances with SMEs and local cooperatives. In this sense, entrepreneurial capacities acquire new production, distribution and sale strategies by taking advantage of community relations networks.

The social representations of global brands seem to form consumption habits from which discursive fields of power are built that give value to transnational products and services through local organizations. In this process, the models of strategic alliances are combined with the discursive resources that were developed in the communities from the entry of multinationals. Far from usurping natural resources, transnationals took advantage of discursive contexts to implement business models that were complemented by the learning of migrants on their journey through the United States. In this way, entrepreneurship in Xilitla reduces the differences between multinationals and local SMEs to build discourses around cooperation, commitment and innovation embodied in the production of organic coffee and ecotourism promotion that make Xilitla an enterprising magical town.

The process that involved the transformation of a migrant locality to a trading community meant the change of social representations which consisted of symbols of subsistence outside the region. Once in the US, the migrants learned habits of consumption that influenced their decisions to return to Xilitla to implement the trade models they learned. Their arrival in Xilitla was supported by discursive fields around which they represented progress for the community not only in economic terms, but also in social aspects. In this sense, the seed capital investment was complemented by the business development policies that the federal and local governments were in charge of disseminating among those who could value and responsibly use the entrusted capital. Finally, the arrival of foreign capital complemented the entrepreneurial dynamics of Xilitla since it allowed the construction of hotel infrastructure that empowered the community as a magical town, ecotourist and coffee grower. However, the explanation regarding the relationship between transnationals and SMEs in the face of droughts and floods is pending. Indeed, climate change seems to be the potential threat to the region since its activities depend directly on the equitable distribution of water. An imbalance in the allocation of water between multinationals, SMEs and communities would affect the production, distribution and sale models. The Social Reliability Theory (SRT) indicates that unlike the contexts of life satisfaction in which trust and commitment are its main axes, in a context of uncertainty, entrepreneurship underlies as a solidary response in the face of ecological, economic or social misfortune. Precisely, the representations, habitus, fields, capitals and entrepreneurial capacities in Xilitla seem to converge more with the entrepreneurial model of stability in reference to the model of uncertainty.

It is therefore essential to promote social reliability among the actors involved in the local development of Xilitla. However, the participation of the local and federal government would not only be reduced to the allocation of seed capital, but now its function would consist of the organization of a network of freedoms, opportunities, capacities and responsibilities translated into a governance system. Transparency in the allocation of financial resources would not be enough if, in the face of a contingency or catastrophe, the authorities sought the well-being of one sector to the detriment of another. A system of government is required in which decisions are no longer discretionary and conform to the principles of Sustainable Local Development. The governance of natural resources oriented towards local development supposes the construction of a public agenda in which the central issues are related to social reliability and entrepreneurship.

Entrepreneurship involves the implementation of policies to promote production in communities and localities that establish strategic alliances with transnational companies through SMEs. As itself, is the result of a process of social representation in which the core consists of values, skills and knowledge of enterprise transmitted from generation to generation. It is the experiences in their stay as migrants in the United States that complement the social representations and reveal habitus inherited in Xilitla and acquired in the United States.

It is in the acquired habitus from which discursive of power are derived that made migrants since they are considered by the community as examples to follow in terms of entrepreneurship. “Commitment" or "capabilities" have been incorporated into the community as symbols of power and trade. In addition to the discursive fields, the training of microentrepreneurs was carried out based on trust and cooperation that resulted in strategic alliances of the community with transnational corporations.

In short, the town of Xilitla acquired enough business skills to promote itself as a magical town, ecotourist and coffee farmer. Its image as migrant was transformed into an image of business, the community and its authorities are faced with the possibility of addressing environmental contingencies local development.

The objective of this paper was to explore the factorial structure of entrepreneurship in the COVID-19 era. The structure reported in the literature suggests three factors related to opportunities, microfinancing and innovation, but the present work suggests the prevalence of opportunities. It is recommended to extend the study to micro, small and medium businesses in order to corroborate the structure of three factors in a risk scenario such as the pandemic. In relation to micro credit policies, the implementation of entrepreneurship and training fairs via virtual platforms in university communities is suggested.