The objective of this work was to specify a model for the e- study of the coffee-growing enterprise. An investigation was conducted cross and exploratory a nonrandom selection of 100 trader’s coffee. From a structural model reliability and validity five allusive dimensional perceptions of economic opportunity, financial, settled in sales, social and environmental. E l fourth factor reflected the construct, followed by the first and the fifth factor. Based on the theoretical and conceptual frameworks, the study of the entrepreneurial perception in vulnerable groups that are dedicated to the sale of coffee as a subsistence style is proposed. The findings allow us to establish a link between the rational choice theory and the theory of human capital with respect to the theory of the commons and the theory of social entrepreneurship as conceptual frameworks to highlight the intervention.

As of this writing, a third of the world's population has been confined as a pandemic mitigation policy caused by the SARS-COV-2 coronavirus and COVID-19, which have infected eight million people, sickened four million and have taken the lives of half a million (WHO, 2021). Against this background, entrepreneurship seems to be a social response to both health and economic crises (PAHO, 2021).

The economic crisis has led to the decline of emerging and regional economies in which Mexico and the tourist region of the Huasteca Potosina stand out. Given that 60 % of the national economy is informal, the economic crisis was exacerbated with the loss of 75 % of tourism at the national level and around 3.5 at the regional level.  

Consequently, social entrepreneurship has been identified as a local development strategy in the face of the health crisis and the economic crisis that unfolds in the region since March when the indicators showed a decrease in tourism activity for reasons related to the pandemic, the confinement of people and the recession of the economy.

The objective of this study was to specify a model for the study of entrepreneurship of coffee production and associated services as derivatives. Based on a theoretical, conceptual and empirical framework, the axes and themes of a local development agenda are proposed. Next, the problem is approached from a method of quantification and instrumentation of a questionnaire. Subsequently, the results are presented with descriptive and inferential statistics and, finally, the findings with endogenous development are discussed in order to be able to outline the strategic planning of an entrepreneurship program.

The contribution of this work consists of : (a ) documentary review of the literature on local entrepreneurship , (b ) theoretical, conceptual and empirical specification of a model for the study of the phenomenon, (c ) methodological approach to explain coffee-growing entrepreneurship ; (d ) diagnostic l perceptually dimension of the coffee enterprise; (e ) discussion of the results based on the axes and topics of the local agenda , and (f ) recommendations for the application and implementation of the coffee-growing enterprise in the region

Sociohistory of social work and entrepreneurship in Mexico

In Mexico, the sociohistorical of social work is linked to some type of entrepreneurship if it is considered that this consists of initiatives emanating from civil society with respect to sectors excluded from development (García, 2020).

After the Mexican Revolution of 1910, the rulers made decisions that guided their relationship with the ruled. In this sense, the Oil Expropriation of 1936 is a clear example of the social policy that the political class implemented in the civil sectors by organizing them into groups. In this scenario, the social enterprise was activated by an expropriation policy since a national collection was made to correct the compensation to the oil companies that controlled the extraction and commercialization of hydrocarbons.

In this way, the social work that emerged with the management and administration of the governments after the civil war was characterized by (a) ascription to a revolutionary and Caudill’s ideology as the support of a national identity; (b) inclusion of bureaucratic, worker, peasant and business sectors, but exclusion of poor sectors, and (c) alignment with a meta-constitutional presidentialism (García, 2014). In that draft expropriating nationalism, social sectors were confined to a local venture semi articulated with financing from remittances. The communities administered these funds through cooperative networks, but the State's co-optation of political clienteles reduced this alternative to its minimum expression.

In other words, social work was an instrument of management and dialogue with the sectors that signed the Magna Carta after the civil war (Bustos, 2020). Consequently, social work professionals backed away from any civil initiative by undermining the institutional guidelines of the post-revolutionary state. Remittance capital continued to be directed towards community entrepreneurship but limited by the uses and customs of local cooperatives.

During the socio-historical phase of economic, labor and educational prosperity from the 1940 to 1960 period, better known as the Mexican Miracle, social work reached its greatest splendor under the health policies that allowed the creation of emblematic institutions, such as the Mexican Insurance Institute. Social, in 1943, and the Social Services Security Institute for State Workers in 1959.

However, social work professionals were confined to programs to combat the demographic explosion or sexual and reproductive health strategies, as well as to prevention of diseases and accidents in the nascent industrialization and its effects on the occupational health of state workers. (García, 2015). The local venture was leaderless and disarticulation between the public sector with micro -, small and medium enterprises moved towards an asymmetric relationship between political and social actors.

It is possible to observe that, during the period under study, social entrepreneurship was conceived in the communities and localities, since it was reduced to its minimum expression in the cities (Carreon et al., 2014). It therefore means that community development was concentrated on agro-industrial activities and tourism as an effect of social policies for business development. In this framework, social work established the guidelines for the classification of excluded, marginalized and violated sectors in their economic rights.

It was from conflicts between the state and civil society that social entrepreneurship emerged as a non-concerted response by public policies in which social work chose to reproduce the ideology of the State (Juárez, 2020). It was a propaganda process of caudillista nationalism that concentrated the sectors into confederations in order to control their financing chains and agro-industrial production, or, in the case of tourism, to establish the denominations of magical towns to activate the regional economy.

In this way, social movements preceded social entrepreneurship by they assume organizational styles that explain the formation of spheres and civil networks (Sandoval, 2020). Seed capital for cooperative projects came from remittances and was allocated to family businesses without any connection to multinationals, except in the case of coffee as an added value of tourism.

This is the case of the conflict between students and the Government, in 1968, from which the social structures opted for a gradual change that was consolidated in 1985 with the civil mobilization in the face of the disasters of the deadliest earthquake in Mexico City (García et al. al., 2014). In other words, trust in the Government was reduced to its minimum expression, while the sectoral organization emerged as an alternative to public management. The new social self-management was developed and consolidated as a social entrepreneurship project for the development of neighborhoods and communities surrounding cities, or within cities as multicultural and inter-ethnic spaces.

Despite the fact that the Magna Carta is innovative in matters of property and administration of the ejido, the peasant mobilization was oriented by its dissidence to public policies, since development opportunities were limited to foreign plantations (Coronado, 2019). The production and commercialization of the agro-industrial sector was developed in networks to transfer technical knowledge to central nodes of entrepreneurship. Successful cooperatives soon undermined their relationships with micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises in a project of internal growth.

This is how entrepreneurship arises in the cities as a response to the authoritarianism of the State rather than as a symptom of prosperity, quality of life and well-beinZZZZZZZg, even when the country has had commercial relations with the United States. Even in the period beginning the treaty of free trade, entrepreneurship seems to be unique to transnational rather than local companies or cooperatives - 7 out of 10 new businesses disappear in the first two years after having waited the same time high in public finances-.

In this short socio-historical journey, social work acquired a sense of well-being due to the import substitution policy, but it was separated from the disadvantaged sectors, although the entrepreneurship of civil society came from various sectors, the historical relevance of social work emerges from urban or semi-peripheral civil mobilizations (García et al., 2015).

Consequently, the study of entrepreneurship in communities is an emerging issue and it is even more so with the intervention of social work; However, during this period, the governments of central Mexico have developed support schemes for agribusiness, mainly in relation to coffee.

Entrepreneurship in Mexico

Mexico's economic census in 2009 was carried out with 99.9 % (3 587 979) of companies that are type entablement and 1 % (39 080) is multi-establishment. 17.9 % (6,979) are domestic, 15 % (5 488) are local and 67. 1 % (26,246) are multinationals (Inegi, 2020).          

In other words, the economic indicators show that the systematization of entrepreneurship takes place in transnational corporations, but is put into practice in micro-, small and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs). This is so because economic development can be interrelated by principles of utility and profit, but both can be transformed into discourses, lifestyles and specific consumption of communities and localities in the face of a crisis in the supply of natural resources and corresponding public services. Faced with such a scenario, entrepreneurship emerges as a response of civil society to the management and administration of the State that is not pertinent (García, 2014).

There are 4 145 772 micro, small, and medium enterprises employing 19 179 350 employees, of which 5 073 432 working on 489 532 companies in the maquiladora and industrial sector, 6 389 648 occupy 2 042 641 trading companies and 7 716 270 work in 1 613 601 non-financial private sector companies. In other words, 21.6 % of the companies created in 2013 employ less than one employee.                

In other words, it is possible to observe a trend of social entrepreneurship that, despite its low productivity, generates social networks of solidarity cooperation. That is, in the face of an economic or political crisis, some entrepreneurial sectors of civil society renounce the logic of profit and utility to redistribute costs and benefits to a greater percentage of the population (García et al., 2015).

Micro-enterprises account for 95.9 % (3 976 912) of the total and they employ 43. 7 % (12 899 155) of the workforce. Small business represents 3 % (126 262) and occupies 13 % (2 496 835) of the workforce and medium enterprises represents 0.7 % (27 706) and occupies 10.6 % (2 023 676) of the labor force (Inegi, 2020).                

In the case of San Luis Potosí (central Mexico), social entrepreneurship is focused on the opportunities and capacities of micro enterprises that, due to their solidarity collaboration logic, tend to expand by reducing their profits and profits (García, 2015).

In the manufacturing sector, micro-enterprises represent 93.6 % (458 096) and they are 20.8 % (1,057,456) of the workforce, small businesses account for 4.2 % (20 455) and occupy 8.8 % (446,181) of the workforce and medium-sized companies represent 1.5 % (7,441) and occupy 16.8 % (851,506) of the workforce (Negi, 2010).             

In the commercial sector, micro-enterprises represent 96.9 % (1 978 887) and occupy 60.5 % (3 866 223) of the workforce, small businesses 2.2 % (43 967) and occupy 11.7 % (745 253) of the workforce and medium-sized companies represent 0.7 % (14,454) and they employ 12 % (764,763) of the labor force (Inegi, 2020).              

Unlike the maquiladora sector, trade implies a greater participation of entrepreneurs, since the production networks on which the prosperity of maquiladoras depends, is not a requirement in the purchase and sale of wholesale or retail products. In other words, local entrepreneurship is guided by the work culture of micro companies, many of them drawn from communities dedicated to the commercialization of coffee and its derivatives (Carreon et al., 2014).

In San Luis Potosí, state of central Mexico, is located the 2. 1 % of MSMEs, of which 1.8 % are in the maquiladora sector and 2 % are in the commerce sector and 2.2 % in the private non-financial sector. The commerce sector represents 47.2 % (41 640) and occupies 29.7 % (124 897), the service sector represents 40.9 % (36 066) and occupies 32.2 % (135 353) and the manufacturing sector 10 % (8 852) and employs 29.7 % (125 011) of the workforce (Inegi, 2020).                

Indeed, based on the economic dynamics of MSMEs in San Luis Potosí, it is possible to see that an enterprise has been developing based on the growth of services, but at the level of microenterprises. In other words, coffee growing has greater marketing opportunities in a scenario where commercial activity exceeds industrial activity in size and labor force (García et al., 2014).  

In the commerce sector, micro-enterprises represent 96.8 % (40 319) and occupy 61.9 % (77,284) of the workforce, small businesses account for 2.2 % (928) and occupy 12.7 % (15,907) of the workforce and medium-sized companies represent 0.7 % (298) and employ 12.8 % (15,949) of the local labor force (Inegi, 2020).          

If the local market in terms of the commercialization of products and services related to coffee is conditioned by social skills such as the establishment of trade networks, then the localities and communities are an ideal setting to establish some differences in terms of the perception of sales opportunities for coffee and its derivatives (García et al., 2015).

In terms of labor demand, mipymes warn that mastering a second language is the skill required (M = 3.6), followed by written communication (M = 2.64) and easy to relate (M = 2. 31).

Attitudes required by mipymes are international vision (M = 2.99), appreciation of the culture (M = 2.98) and respect for the environment (M = 2,38).

Entrepreneurship in San Luis Potosí

The state of San Luis Potosí borders the states of Zacatecas, Nuevo León, Tamaulipas, Guanajuato, Querétaro, Hidalgo and Veracruz.

The state has 58 municipalities, its coordinates locate it 24 degrees and 29 minutes to the north; to the south, 21 degrees and 10 minutes north latitude; to the east 98 degrees and 20 minutes, and to the west 102 degrees and 18 minutes west longitude.

Cerro Grande is its highest elevation at 3180 ms.n.m., followed by Catorce 3101 ms. n. m. and Close Coronado ms.n.m. msnm. A dry temperate climate predominates with 27.7%, followed by a semi-warm dry climate, with 20.1%, and temperate semi-dry, with 12.8%. The average temperature is 25.3 degrees Celsius and its average annual rainfall is 978.8 mm in a s territorial uperficie 60 982. 8 km 2 (3.1% of the national territory).             

The state of San Luis Potosí ranks 19th with a total population of 2.586 million inhabitants and has a growth rate of 1. 4 % and a density of 4.2 inhabitants per square kilometer.

Real de Catorce has a total population of 9,716 inhabitants, of which 4,932 are men and 4,784 are women. In Xilitla live 51 498, of whom 25 484 are men and 26 014 are women; 30.4 % of the population is under 15 years of age. 10.7 % of the population and migrated to the state; 3.7 % of its inhabitants did not reside in the state and 0.1 % of the total population is migrant. Also, 10.7 % of the population speaking a local language, 137 682 speak nahualt 96 568 speak huasteco and 10 807 and lpame .             

The birth rate is 20.1 for every thousand inhabitants, women have 2.1 on average of children born alive and the population density is four people per household. 

The 7.9 % of the total population is illiterate, 90.6 % of the population between 5- and 14-years old attends school and women represent 40 % of the labor force.   

Work social in local development.

The theories that explain the intervention of social work for local development in general and community development are the theory of rational choice, the theory of human capital, the theory of the commons and the theory of social entrepreneurship.

The theory of choice rational suggests that the development of a community is brewing from the selection of opportunities and capabilities, both aimed at achieving goals and objectives in the short, medium, and long term (Garcia et to the., 2014). From the point of view of rational choice, social entrepreneurship is assumed because of the opportunities offered by business development policies, or by economic reactivation policies. In the first case, the undertaking is of a socio-state nature since it is the local or federal government that promotes the name of magical town to reactivate the economy from national and international tourism. In the second case, after the health crisis, financing for community businesses and family cooperatives is the main currency of programs and strategies for the reactivation of the economy.

In that sense, there is a substantial difference between rationality and irrationality. This is the case of unilateral or majority decision-making that due to their degree of exclusion of minorities - migrant or local communities - who have values ​​other than utility and profit, as well as different views of private property (García et al., 2015). Family cooperatives and community businesses are the product of opportunities choices when seed capital from remittances is associated with family labor and the endogenous labor force. In both cases, social entrepreneurship is activated by actors who mediate local needs and expectations regarding the funds available to families that manage remittances.

Consequently, the theory of human capital, in general terms, attempts to reduce the differences between the rulers and the governed, majorities and minorities, opportunities and capacities based on a system of management and administration of public goods. That is, by assuming the resources as State property, the federal or local government is obliged to equitably distribute the costs and benefits related to development (Carreon et al., 2014). Family businesses exemplify this co-management process in which local authorities organize producers into financing rounds. On the other hand, community companies internalize their resources from use and customs rather than from the semi-public administration.

However, the theory of human capital considers that those who are not willing to contribute, even if they receive benefits, are part of development (Molina, 2020). This is the case of the labor force and labor from peripheral municipalities to agro-industrial plantations. In the case of coffee growing, the concentration of public financing in the magical towns and funds from family remittances makes it possible to structure a productive and commercial centrality that feeds on neighboring migrants.

Therefore, the theory of rational choice and the theory of human capital warn that the problem of local development based on the management and administration of goods and resources considered public lies in irrational decisions and non-cooperation (Adams, 2020). This is so because social entrepreneurship requires the participation of public and private sectors, political and social actors around a governance of common resources. In this way, stakeholders agree on shared responsibilities for objectives, tasks, and goals.

It is the theory of the commons that solves the dilemma of local development based on a rationality that supposes the abandonment of uses and customs assumed as irrational - management and administration of money for festivities instead of drinking water service - or the dilemma that consists of cooperating, even when some do not contribute and benefit from the system (García, 2014).

The theory of common goods warns that development starts from the type of goods : 1) private , where the security of property or resources are guaranteed by the laws that the State must enforce through programs, strategies and instruments, but excludes sectors civilians who do not have this type of property; 2) public , where the State guarantees the distribution of costs and benefits, but is susceptible to corruption , and 3) common . the resources suppose opportunities depending on the capacities of organization and social cooperation.

In this way, local development that is determined by the logic of common goods requires management in communities by promoting solidarity and cooperation (García, 2015). In this context, social entrepreneurship embodies both community virtues by prevailing social trust, stakeholder empathy, and stakeholder engagement. It is a virtuous circle of opportunities and innovations from and for the community, although the families that provide the credits derived from remittances are linked with the cooperatives through local uses and customs.

Precisely, the complexity of this socio-historical phase in which a community with biosphere values must assume an anthropocentric productive dynamic supposes a promotion of social entrepreneurship relationships (Anguiano, 2020). The biospheres not only are part of the traditions and norms of the community, bringing together the objectives, tasks and goals from future resources and common. The distinctive feature of community entrepreneurship lies in this biosphere as a representation of a common purpose.

In the case of coffee growing, social entrepreneurship goes beyond overcoming capacities with respect to opportunities, since it supposes the establishment of a common agenda between civil, political and economic sectors oriented to the management of sufficient knowledge for responsible development.         

Theoretical framework

Theory of social entrepreneurship 

In community health contexts affected by floods, fires or frosts, the commercialization of coffee turns out to be an example to follow to observe local entrepreneurship. Regarding coffee entrepreneurship, the data seem to confirm the assumptions of the entrepreneurship theory (Vázquez et al., 2016). Economic opportunities - subsidies from federal and local governments to encourage agribusiness and marketing - and financial opportunities - credits from balance sheets and prospects for the marketing of products and services - determine perceptions of retail sales opportunity - expectations of higher profits when faced with minimum costs - (Acar and Acar, 2014).

However, some studies highlight the importance of entrepreneurial social networks as factors that enhance the solidarity sale of local products and services in the face of the arrival of transnational companies and their possible effects on the municipal economy (Cruz et al., 2016).

The theory of entrepreneurship networks warns that cooperation and solidarity are gestated in scenarios of economic and financial vulnerability (Robles et al., 2016). In other words, in the face of the onslaught of transnationals, merchants organize themselves to make a common front in defense of the local market (Hernández and Valencia, 2016). In this way, leaders and followers structure information networks around sales prices, promotions and added values ​​based on transnational competition (Omotayo and Adenike, 2013).

In this sense, entrepreneurship networks highlight the importance of cooperation and solidarity, and link their products and services to other traditional activities in the town (Escobar, 2014). Cooperatives around the production and commercialization of coffee and its derivatives are related to associations of hotels, restaurants and taxis to offer coffee products in their different presentations as an added value to the tourist service. It is an enterprise oriented towards the biospheric relationship with the environment in which coffee is a distinctive symbol of the region.

A new type of entrepreneurship, derived from social networks is environmental (Mendoza et al., 2016). These are expectations for the trade of products and services based on knowledge of the local climate, spaces, uses and customs of the community (Saansongu and Ngutor , 2012). In addition, a virtuous circle of symbols, meanings, and meanings of common relationships with the environment is built. In other words, coffee growing is part of tourism, and this is part of the derivative product venture.

The environmental entrepreneurship theory explains the association between traders, diversification of its products and services as well as the consumption of these in specific contexts and extreme environmental conditions (Anicijevic, 2013). These are decisions in high- risk situations from which higher returns are expected. This is the case of coffee-derived products that pose a substantial investment risk due to the acquisition of processors or packers, but also generate large profits from the sale of organic coffee.

In this way, coffee stands out as a product and service adaptable to the effects of climate change on community health where being active is a requirement to survive in the face of droughts, floods, landslides, frosts, or fires (Quintero et al., 2016). In addition, those who decide to market coffee-derived products compete with other products in the local, regional, and international markets. Beer and sugary drinks are widely consumed, and coffee is less sold. Consequently, the undertaking of this product is carried out based on its competitive advantages such as the diversification of its content or the innovation of other collateral products.

In this way, coffee constitutes a cultural heritage that explains the economic, political, social and community dynamics of a locality with extreme climates, migrant social composition, solidarity economy and commercialization of traditional products and services (Sales et al., 2016). It is a symbol of the biosphere relationship with the environment, a central axis of the local agenda and an instrument of competitive advantages for the strategic planning of its commercialization.

Studies of social entrepreneurship

Within the framework of the confinement of people due to their status as workers and consumers, the tourism and coffee growing sector of the Huasteca region has been affected, reducing its entrepreneurial and marketing activity by 75%. The studies that have been carried out in the locality and the region stand out as a competitive advantage of the community to the biosphere identity around the care of its attractions and colonial emblems. 

However, work on social entrepreneurship has been built from the optimization of resources (opportunities derived from social policies for business development or economic reactivation) to process innovation (generation of opportunities from strategic alliances between micro, small and medium business projects to multinationals that seek to insert in the local market in exchange for MSMEs to access the international market).

Some works highlight collaborative projects designed from environmentalist or ecologist worldviews where cooperative tourism and solidarity coffee growing are distinctive emblems of the regions and competitive advantages in the decisions of visitors (Bouls, 2020). It is a tourism postmaterialist seeking relationships with the environment from collaboration and fraternity with sectors excluded, marginalized, or violated in their economic, political or social rights.

The works related to ecocities, ecovillages and eco- neighborhoods in the commercialization of organic products and collective gardens are projects that emancipate nature that seek to respect the rights of animal and plant species due to their coexistence with humans. These are organizations of migratory flows and native communities allied by the same objective: to preserve resources for future generations.

Within this framework of common resources and future, agro-industrial projects approach their organic dimension as a quality seal for consumers who are increasingly aware of their purchasing power and demanding in terms of the quality of GMO-free products (Pérez, 2020). In this nascent vegan culture, entrepreneurship projects contemplate their full satisfaction from the demonstrations of millenary cultivation and agrochemical-free processing.

Other research shows n as ecotourists projects tend to be becoming more spiritual time, aimed at successful experiences, mobility zero emissions and happiness eudaimonic (search for a sense of belonging with the environment). It is known that those tourists with a meaning eudaimonic of nature not only are loyal to destinations, but they also generate solidarity networks lodging, guided tours and provisioning of resources to preserve local resources.

Unlike hedonistic tourism (search for pleasure or displeasure), eudaimonic tourism develops in little-explored, community and fruit-bearing areas where the pleasure of the stay gives rise to the sense of belonging and attachment to the place (Quiroz, 2020). The increase in rituals and ceremonies among spiritual tourists shows an evident tendency towards defense of nature from the knowledge of its symbols rather than from the consumption of its resources.

In summary, the studies of social entrepreneurship in agro-industry and tourism show an evident social change indicated by the meaning of the experience of breaking with the urban, the transfer, the destination, the stay and the systematic return to the place of belonging. In this scenario, local development projects have focused on solidarity cooperation, community support and fraternity with the environment. It is a context in which tourists, migrants and natives coexist in an atmosphere of meanings that guides their buying and selling decisions.

Specification of a model for the study of social entrepreneurship

From the revised theoretical, conceptual and empirical frameworks, it is possible to delineate the axes and trajectories of the relationships between the variables that explain social entrepreneurship as a result of cooperative, solidarity and fraternal uses and customs between communities, migrants, tourists and the environment.

In the case of the Huasteca region, the magical towns of Xilitla, Real de Catorce and Valles, social entrepreneurship can be explained from a central axis that goes from biospheres to postmaterialist. In other words, the sense of belonging and attachment to the place seems to be complemented by the postmaterialist sense of national and foreign tourists who systematically visit and explore the emblematic places and rediscover the ceremonial centers. The convergence of these two dimensions suggests a eudaimonic continuum that lies in the search for spaces represented as resources and common futures.

Another different axis is the one that goes from hedonism or the search for pleasure and displeasure towards tourist materialism that can be observed in the overcrowding of water parks, hotel chains or restaurants. It is a path of costs and benefits in which supply, and demand establish the volume of visits, consumption, and foreign exchange for the region, but does not guarantee in any way the return of the same visitors. It is considered that greater investment and financing for the hotel or recreational infrastructure will allow a substantial increase in the number of visitors, but in the end, it is the promotions that define the crisis or prosperity of the sector.

Both axes can be compared to establish the region's competitive advantages in terms of tourism and coffee, although the literature consulted seems to warn that they are complementary. Since the promotion of magical and coffee-growing communities is a national strategy, hedonism is expected to activate needs, tastes and preferences, but it is eudaimonism that defines the expectations of visitors. Consequently, they are oriented towards different sectors, but complementary in terms of their consumption power and impact for the receiving areas. Therefore, l as theoretical dimensions of perception of enterprise fit dimensions weighted, they conform to the empirical dimensions weighted and are different with respect to the empirical dimensions weighted.

Design. A non-experimental, cross-sectional, and exploratory study was carried out.

Sample. A non-probabilistic selection of 100 microentrepreneurs was made, considering their main activity oriented to the commercialization of coffee and derivatives such as sweets, drinks and bread, as well as their access to microfinance registered in the municipal register.

Instrument.  The used and scale of perception deviation of entrepreneurship Garcia et to the. , (2016) which includes 20 items related to the perception of economic opportunity (eg the promotion of magical towns will attract investment to Xilitla); perception of social opportunity (eg I will receive support from my family by selling coffee sweets); perception of environmental opportunity (eg coffee will be sold in winter due to the local cold); perception of financing opportunity (eg the sale of coffee will be financed by the local government) and the perception of sales opportunity ( eg coffee is a priority need for tourists). 

Procedure. The Delphi technique was used to homogenize the meanings of the words included in the reagents. Anonymity and confidentiality were guaranteed in writing where they were also informed that the results of the study would not affect their economic, political, social or community status. The surveys were applied in establishments for the commercialization of coffee and derived products. The information was processed in the Statistical Package for Social Sciences and analysis of momentum structure. The mean, standard deviation, Cronbach's alpha, chi square, factorial weights, betas, goodness of fit and residual were estimated. 

The internal consistency of the overall scale (alpha 0.724) and specific subscales (economy alpha 0.718; financing alpha 0.796; sales Alpha 0.771; social alpha 0.701; environmental alpha 0.703) reached alpha values Cronbach above 0.700.  Extraction method: main components. sphericity and adequacy ⌠KMO = 0.796; χ2 = 346.456 (23gl) p = 0.000⌡. Perception of economic opportunity (32 % of the total variance explained), perception of financial opportunity (22 % of the total variance explained), perception of sales opportunity (16 % of the total variance explained), perception of social opportunity (10 % of the total variance explained), perception of environmental opportunity (3 % of the total variance explained). Regarding the adequacy and sphericity ⌠KMO = 0.796; χ2 = 346.456 (23gl) p = 0.000⌡ and hese reached minimum values necessary for the factorial analysis of principal components with rotation varimax and set correlates items from values higher than 0.300 (see Table 1).

Table 1. Kayser Meyer Olkin Test

Source: Elaborated with data study

Five factors related to economy (32 % of the total explained variance), financing (22 % of the total explained variance), sale (16 % of the total explained variance), social (10 % of the total explained variance) and environmental (3 % of the total variance explained).     

The dependency relationships between the established factors and the emerging construct indicate that it is the social opportunity perception factor that reflects the entrepreneurship perception construct, followed by the perception of economic opportunity and the perception of environmental opportunity (see Table 2). Finally, the goodness of fit and residual values ​​confirms the acceptance of the null hypothesis regarding the fit of the theoretical dimensions with respect to the empirical dimensions of the perception of entrepreneurship ⌠χ2 = 1.335 (5gl) p = 0.935; GFI = 0.982; AGFI = 0.947; RMSEA = 0.000⌡.

Table 2. Exploratory factor model of entrepreneurship in the COVID-19 era

Source: Elaborated with data study

The objective of the present work was to specify a model for the study of coffee-growing entrepreneurship in a region of central Mexico distinctive for its name of magical town and Huasteca Potosina tourist route.

However, the findings related to a five-factor structure can only be considered for the study sample, as they suggest the extension of the proposal to other risk scenarios due to the asymmetry between political and private actors, as well as lack of coordination. between the public and private sectors in terms of financing. Lines relating to the effects of credit for business development and cooperative management will reveal differences and similarities between local and regional entrepreneurship structures.

Since social entrepreneurship reflects coffee-growing activity, it is necessary to orient financing towards the creation of cooperative networks, family, or community businesses in order to be able to observe the differences in opportunities and sales in each social sector. The development of research on the asymmetries between coffee growing organizations due to their uses and customs, as well as their traditions, will allow anticipating conflict scenarios between stakeholders.

In that vein, the theory of the social entrepreneurship warns that tourism and coffee production are ideal opportunities for local development if address sectors with purchasing power, regardless of their condition hedonistic materialism or eudaimonic posmaterial. This work showed that both axes are converging s in draft at least in its dimensions perceived social entrepreneurship. In other words, the expectations of migratory flows and native communities seem to reflect five dimensions related to economy, financing, sales, solidarity, and environmentalism, but it is the social dimension that reflects with the greatest value the coffee-growing expectations associated with tourism. Research lines concerning this social dimension; solidarity, fraternity, support, commitment, empathy, trust, satisfaction, and happiness, will allow the model to be extended to sectors that are distinguished by their purchase oriented by their sense of belonging to the place.

Studies of social entrepreneurship by emphasizing materialist hedonism and postmaterial e udaimonism have demonstrated the complexity of the phenomenon by noting dependency relationships between the two dimensions. It is an emerging process to risk areas and events that seem to encourage the break with the urban habitat, the pleasure of displacement, satisfaction with the accommodation service and the systematic return to places not only because of its low cost but also because of its significance. shared.

The theoretical, conceptual, and empirical specification of the model where two axes stand out, one from hedonism to materialism and the other from eudaimonism to postmaterialism, seems to enhance its convergence in entrepreneurial projects of tourist services and coffee growers, with which this product stands out as the main associated symbol to breaks, crossings, stays and systematic returns to emblematic, unexplored, or ceremonial places. In the present work, the convergence of both axes in a social entrepreneurship model that includes the inclusion of the categories has been highlighted. Future studies related to the analysis of communities and sectors involved in both axes will make it possible to anticipate promotion, consumption, and sale scenarios.

In summary, the exploration of coffee entrepreneurship in its social dimension seems to show that two axes coexist; one that goes from hedonism to materialism and another that transits from eudaimonism to post-materialism, which should be investigated as models of business development or economic reactivation from a strategic planning that develops these competitive advantages for local benefit.

The contribution of this work to the state of knowledge lies in the establishment of the reliability and validity of an instrument that measures five factors related to the perception of entrepreneurship in a town in central Mexico.

Future lines of research regarding other factors that the model did not include and did not estimate could be carried out if it is considered that the commercialization of products and services derived from coffee is an economic activity driven by business development and microfinance policies, as well as part of the of the social and community uses and customs of the study location. Furthermore, environmental conditions also play a decisive role in perceptions of entrepreneurship in general of agricultural products and services and perceptions of opportunity around coffee.

In this sense, the ecological validity that consists of the systematic observation of the uses and customs, as well as its correlation with scales that measure the perceptions of opportunity, would provide a comprehensive perspective of the phenomenon that coffee supposes, its environment, administration, commercialization, and consumption.

Therefore, the specification of a model and estimation of this around indicators that explain the peculiarities of entrepreneurial localities confined to the coffee is necessary because, although the venture is a structure of perceptions, decisions, and strategies general, the Project success depends on local specificity. This is the case of the sectors dedicated to the sale of coffee and the commercialization of its derived products and services.

Now, l as characteristics of each sector requires a thorough analysis of the habits and customs that make survival possible by selling coffee. In this sense, female heads of households are an example of groups dedicated to the retail sale and diversified entrepreneurship of products that include coffee.

Finally, l to scan values, perceptions, and beliefs of female heads of households engaged in coffee will allow scenarios to explain and anticipate environmental, economic, political and social crisis, but also of resilience and social entrepreneurship.